Monday, November 1, 2010

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Maghreb. Story of a Dream: The Greater Morocco


Published in TelQuel / May 2009



After independence, Nationalists have called for the monarchy and the return of the kingdom to "its historical borders." Back to the days of imperial Morocco, and even imperialistic.







Ask around you: what makes us different from the Algeria? One of the first responses from history buffs will be precisely the millennial history of Morocco. Do we celebrated not recently the 1200 years of Fez and the birth of the kingdom Idrisid? The official literature insist she step on the long succession of dynasties "Moroccan" parts of Fez to conquer Granada, to touch the edge of the Senegal River? We are collectively marked by what we have inherited this rich tradition of architecture, crafts, cooking, music ... and of course, this reverential fear towards the king, this hiba that is somehow a corollary of our unit old, reinforced by more than dull the experience of the protectorate. For us, Algeria is a bit of a vast desert rich in oil and revolts, a great people always rebellious colonies. Seen from Algiers, the landscape is not famous: Morocco is a historically imperialist power, disguising deaf Maghreb ambitions. Both sides poured into the bidding war: diplomatic squabble and media, border disputes and energy, arms race ... the list goes on subjects of contention between Morocco and Algeria. Why all this? Because one day in March 1956, the general Allal El Fassi has opened a Pandora's box: waving the card of a " Morocco in its historical borders " The nationalist leader has provided critics of the kingdom an argument they use today.

An idea of the Istiqlal
In 1955, negotiations are played on Independence Moroccan, and one of the main issues is, of course, the question of borders of the future state. France, grounded after the defeat in Indochina at Dien Bien Phu, must also face the beginnings of the war Algeria. Faure government has no choice but to settle the Moroccan question. In the summer of 1955 he pandering to separatists and called, in Aix-les-Bains, where negotiations are missing two key figures in exile, the national movement. Mohammed Ben Youssef is in Antsirabe and Allal El Fassi in Cairo. In September, the sultan was informed of the agreement reached and gives its consent. Two months later, after have led the second round of talks in La Celle Saint Cloud, later Mohammed V returned triumphantly from exile, and March 2, 1956, signed the treaty of independence. During this crucial time when the Sultan garnered good points, Allal El Fassi is in Cairo and trample. March 28, he left the protest and denounce all the new frontiers that " cover a fifth of Morocco in its historical borders . Greater Morocco he claims encompasses much of the Algerian Sahara, and a good piece of Mali, in addition to all the north west Mauritania. The argument is of course El Fassi history: it is based on the past millennium of Morocco, which saw seven dynasties succeed each other in an area still facing Africa.

Rear thoughts
When Allal El Fassi introduced the idea of Greater Morocco in the public debate, he did not pay in any nationalist outbidding. " Some separatists claimed a symbiotic unity of the Maghreb (Abdelkrim Khattabi), others leaning already a Maghreb nations (Mohammed V, Mehdi Ben Barka). Allal El Fassi has only to find a middle way between two currents clashed , "says historian Mustapha Bouaziz. It was basically a way to keep pressure on France and to reaffirm the continuity of the struggle for independence throughout the region. El Fassi but did not defend the idea of Morocco in its historical borders of pure ideology. He also had his mobile tactics. First it was a stone thrown into the pond Royal, a way to regain the initiative in the context of Morocco freshly independent. The speech Allal El Fassi is a signal sent to Nasser's Egypt, a North African answer to the arguments that have pan-Arab, so the wind in their sails. It actually halo of prestige that comes with Allal El Fassi Morocco a few months later, in August 1956 and became head of the Istiqlal. The party has a substantial leverage: the National Liberation Army (NLA), determined to oust the foreign troops out of the country and across the Maghreb, according to a statement from 1954 which called for the fight against the occupier until he left the area.

Salvage Royal
In line with the Cairo speech Allal El Fassi, the DEA conducts operations harassment of English and French colonial troops at the margins of the country . Thousands of men are well equipped to maneuver, causing significant losses to the French army. " But the release of the" spiritual leader "of the Istiqlal was not taken seriously at the time. In the ranks of his party, he was even much derided , "says historian Maati Monjib. Indeed, Morocco, headed by Mohammed V, refuses to engage in the immediate field of a reconquest of the whole history of Morocco. FAR-ups are responsible for supplanting the NLA and put an end to the war led to harassment in the south: in the first instance, Mohammed V seems to give up contesting the boundaries negotiated in Aix-les-Bains and Celle Saint Cloud. We could have stopped there and the idea of Greater Morocco could have passed unnoticed if it had been taken two years later by Mohammed V itself in the speech has become famous M'hamed Ghizlane El (1958). The king speaks solemnly " history that goes from Morocco to Tangier St Louis, Senegal and Timbuktu, including the English Sahara and part of the Algerian Sahara . A speech seen as a betrayal in Nouakchott as in Algiers. Independence in 1960, the new Mauritanian president, Mokhtar Ould Daddah, responds to what is seen as the resurgence of imperialism Moroccan uncertain terms: " When France by generous institutions, gives us the right of us to govern ourselves and we determine freely, I say no to Morocco! Mauritanian we were Mauritanians we are, we will remain Mauritanians . The Kingdom of Morocco, 4 years old independence, is already blacklisted.

Wars Hassan II
Despite the unequivocal tone of Ould Daddah, Morocco does not renounce his views on Mauritania. Throughout 1960, Moulay Hassan is working even find a way to take off. In 1960, the NLA had tried two years ago to invade Mauritania under French occupation, is already defeated. It is thanks to the FAR and cons the only troops that Mauritanian Moulay Hassan hopes to conquer Mauritania. 3,000 troops based in Tan Tan and placed under the command of General Kettani, are responsible for preparing the invasion in the greatest secrecy. Yet, the entire operation, carefully prepared but has been delayed, cut short when, October 27, 1961, the United Nations formally recognized the Mauritania. Invade a country that proclaims independence unilaterally is one thing, to colonize a country whose legitimacy is based on the official recognition of the UN is another.
few months after the accession of Algeria to independence, Hassan II takes towards its eastern neighbor a more diplomatic. He advised that there is ample time to open the back of a renegotiation of borders. Temporizes Algiers while on the ground, the situation is deteriorating slowly. Some news reported MAP occasional "incidents" that Algerians spend mostly in silence. Troop movements follow. But nobody takes care of the tragic situation, the enhancement of the Sahara to help overcome territorial disputes. Is this not after all the same people with the same language and same religion? Instead, over the months, the gap is widening, even revealed impassable. In October 1963, conflict broke out. The Morocco accuses Algeria to hold areas that have been recognized by the treaties of Moroccan independence. Thousands of soldiers to confront melee meter by meter. Militarily victorious, Morocco hopes to win also war diplomatic and media circles is showing great lord. By renouncing to extend the Moroccan border to the east, Hassan II at the same time abandoning the myth of Greater Morocco: what better token of goodwill? Six years later, Morocco officially recognizes Mauritania. Greater Morocco is finally buried and Moroccan expansionist ambitions scaled down. Now places a new national cause, that of the Moroccan Sahara, the kingdom could not bring himself to leave without losing face.

Souleiman Bencheikh

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